Last month, the 2015 general election took place in Ethiopia, the first election held since 1991 without Meles Zenawi, Prime Minister from 1995 to his death in 2012. Ethiopia’s ruling party, Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) managed a 100 percent election victory winning all parliamentary seats, and will remain the country’s sole dominant political force. Part of the story of this landslide election is how carefully the EPRDF in the name of being true to Meles legacy used his imagery to depoliticize public space, while it simultaneously tightened the state’s control over dissent, criminalizing journalists and opposition parties.
Ethiopia is known for its authoritarianism and the election result came as no surprise. However, less known are the authoritarian tactics to guarantee victory. Although the primary tool to maintain power in an authoritarian state is primarily related to the use of physical force, intimidation and violence against opponents, authoritarian survival also depends on how ruling elites can manage and control public opinion. The result of the last few months indicates that the Ethiopian leadership have mastered the use of visual productions, propaganda and symbolic domination to remain relevant and retain power.
Their actions following Meles’ death provides a clear example. Upon his death in August 2012, Meles was celebrated as Ethiopia’s ‘great and visionary leader’, a ‘father of peace’, a ‘hero’ and as ‘the architect of the renaissance’. In public space it was repeated that Ethiopia would follow the path of Meles and public spaces were subsequently dominated by his presence; on major billboards and posters throughout the country.
Meles and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) led the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) to power in 1991. In principle and in the beginning, the TPLF was against personalization of power favoring collective decision-making. In 2001 however, a split within the TPLF party allowed the prime minister to gradually build a system of personalized power and Meles progressively became more and more elevated from people, government and party. However, it wasn’t until immediately after his passing, that Meles became a larger-than-life figure when the iconography, the worshiping of a leader, became visual. The images of Meles that popped up all over the country in 2012 were created and distributed by the EPRDF via the Ministry of Communication and Ethiopian state television. The visual promotion was constructed by the remaining elite who maintained his cult-like persona. Public images sought to portray Meles as a benign leader truly devoted to his people and embodying the aspirations of regular Ethiopians. Below are the key myths the state created through visual productions in public spaces.
Meles as Ethiopia’s father figure
Meles Zenawi came to power with the Marxist-Leninist TPLF rebel movement after the 17-year popular resistance against the Derg military regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam. In the beginning, the TPLF opposed iconography and individual visual promotion, yet during his 20-year rule Meles came to personify the state, transitioning from a Marxist revolutionary separatist icon to a committed nationalist patriot. In contemporary public space, Ethiopia’s past is pictured as a period of great injustice, which was replaced by a new, democratic, modern and better future. Meles Zenawi became ‘the father of the nation’ and ‘the father to Ethiopia’s rebirth’.
Meles is leading the people to development
Although historically Ethiopia’s recent leaders have all propagated large scale development policies, Meles knew how to present the very idea of ‘development’ as something new. The Great Ethiopian Renaissance Dam is an example of this – it was introduced as Meles’s creation and symbolised development, power and progress in Ethiopia. The very name of the Dam presented the idea of Ethiopia’s past as a ‘renaissance’ that led directly to modern times. This notion of a glorious past leading into the present served to legitimize the current state and leadership of Ethiopia. The current renaissance – ‘rebirth’- of Ethiopia is expected to make the country strong and powerful again like during ancient times.
Meles as Ethiopia’s protector
Meles appears in photographs in varied settings with different segments of Ethiopian society; there’s Meles with children, women, youth, farmers, diplomats, soldiers and pastoralists. With these depictions, the visual material seems to make Meles and his ideas relatable to all citizens. The visual presentation of Meles is not static, it is constructed in a way that makes it easy for all citizens of Ethiopia to relate to. People can select that aspect of the narrative about Meles which suit their own idea about his leadership and which represent their segment in society. Everyone can identify themselves with the leader; young or old, man or woman, rich or poor.
The iconography and the narrative these visuals depict do not present a realistic picture of Meles Zenawi and his leadership, but they remain in the public sphere three years after his passing because by insisting that he was above party, criticism and even the Ethiopian people, and by attaching him to their political agenda, the ruling EPRDF party’s dominance remain intact, as do their control of the population.
Today, Meles’ picture hangs in every government office in Ethiopia and, as a part of the strategy to control political, social and economic spheres of Ethiopian society, EPRDF has developed into a mass party of more than seven million members. Currently, national days, festivals, events and buildings commemorate the former leader across Ethiopia. It is evident that the state’s propaganda is now part and parcel of the political system in contemporary Ethiopia.
Ane Cecilie Hess-Nielsen holds an MA in International Development Studies (Roskilde University) from 2013. Her work focuses on state-society relations, authoritarianism and visual politics in contemporary East Africa. Since 2014 Ane has spend 1.5 years in Ethiopia. Ane has reported for the Danish newspapers Information, Politiken and Weekendavisen.
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